|
The Bush Doctrine
The Bush Doctrine is a phrase used to
describe various related foreign policy
principles of former United States
president George W. Bush. The phrase
initially described the policy that the
United States had the right to secure
itself from countries that harbor or
give aid to terrorist groups, which was
used to justify the 2001 invasion of
Afghanistan.
Later it came to include additional
elements, including the controversial
policy of preventive war, which held
that the United States should depose
foreign regimes that represented a
potential or perceived threat to the
security of the United States, even if
that threat was not immediate; a policy
of spreading democracy around the world,
especially in the Middle East, as a
strategy for combating terrorism; and a
willingness to pursue U.S. military
interests in a unilateral way. Some of
these policies were codified in a
National Security Council text entitled
the National Security Strategy of the
United States published on September 20,
2002.
|
 |
National
Security Strategy of the United States
The main elements of the Bush Doctrine
were delineated in a document, the
National Security Strategy of the United
States, published on September 17, 2002.
This document is often cited as the
definitive statement of the doctrine. It
was updated in 2006 and is stated as
follows:
"The security environment confronting
the United States today is radically
different from what we have faced
before. Yet the first duty of the United
States Government remains what it always
has been: to protect the American people
and American interests. It is an
enduring American principle that this
duty obligates the government to
anticipate and counter threats, using
all elements of national power, before
the threats can do grave damage. The
greater the threat, the greater is the
risk of inaction – and the more
compelling the case for taking
anticipatory action to defend ourselves,
even if uncertainty remains as to the
time and place of the enemy’s attack.
There are few greater threats than a
terrorist attack with WMD.
To forestall or prevent such hostile
acts by our adversaries, the United
States will, if necessary, act
preemptively in exercising our inherent
right of self-defense. The United States
will not resort to force in all cases to
preempt emerging threats. Our preference
is that nonmilitary actions succeed. And
no country should ever use preemption as
a pretext for aggression.”
Components
The Bush Doctrine has been formulated as
a collection of strategy principles,
practical policy decisions, and a set of
rationales and ideas for guiding United
States foreign policy. Two main pillars
are identified for the doctrine:
preemptive strikes against potential
enemies and promoting democratic regime
change.
The George W. Bush administration
claimed that the United States is locked
in a global war; a war of ideology, in
which its enemies are bound together by
a common ideology and a common hatred of
democracy.
Out of the National Security Strategy,
four main points are highlighted as the
core to the Bush Doctrine: Preemption,
Military Primacy, New Multilateralism,
and the Spread of Democracy. The
document emphasized preemption by
stating: "America is now threatened less
by conquering states than we are by
failing ones. We are menaced less by
fleets and armies than by catastrophic
technologies in the hands of the
embittered few." and required "defending
the United States, the American people,
and our interests at home and abroad by
identifying and destroying the threat
before it reaches our borders."
Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld,
in 2006 stated that: "If I were rating,
I would say we probably deserve a D or
D+ as a country as how well we're doing
in the battle of ideas that's taking
place. I'm not going to suggest that
it's easy, but we have not found the
formula as a country."
Unilateralism
Unilateral elements of the Bush Doctrine
were evident in the first months of
Bush's presidency. Conservative
commentator Charles Krauthammer used the
term, unilateralism, in February 2001 to
refer to the president's increased
unilateralism in foreign policy,
specifically regarding the president's
decision to withdraw from the ABM
treaty.
There is some evidence that Bush's
willingness for the United States to act
unilaterally came even earlier. The
International Journal of Peace Studies
2003 article The Bush administration's
image of Europe: From ambivalence to
rigidity states:
“ The Republican Party's platform in the
2000 presidential elections set the
administration's tone on this issue. It
called for a dramatic expansion of NATO
not only in Eastern Europe (with the
Baltic States, Romania, Bulgaria and
Albania) but also, and most
significantly, in the Middle East, the
Caucasus and Central Asia. The purpose
is to develop closer cooperation within
NATO in dealing with geopolitical
problems from the Middle East to
Eurasia. The program therefore takes a
broad and rather fuzzy view of Europe.
It would be premature at this stage to
say that the US administration has had a
fundamental change of heart and shed its
long-ingrained reflexes in dealing with
Russia.
When it comes to the future of Europe,
Americans and Europeans differ on key
issues. The differences seem to point
toward three fundamental values which
underpin the Bush administration's image
of Europe. The first is unilateralism,
of which the missile shield is a
particularly telling example. The
American position flies in the face of
the European approach, which is based on
ABM talks and multilateralism. An
opposition is taking shape here between
the leading European capitals, which
want to deal with the matter by judicial
means, and the Americans, who want to
push ahead and create a fait accompli.”
Attacking countries that harbor
terrorists
The doctrine was developed more fully as
an executive branch response in the wake
of the September 11, 2001 attacks. The
attacks presented a foreign-policy
challenge, since it was not Afghanistan
that had initiated the attacks, and
there was no evidence that they had any
foreknowledge of the attacks. In an
address to the nation on the evening of
September 11, Bush stated his resolution
of the issue by declaring that "we will
make no distinction between the
terrorists who committed these acts and
those who harbor them." President Bush
made an even more aggressive restatement
of this principle in his September 20,
2001 address to a Joint Session of
Congress:
“ We will pursue nations that provide
aid or safe haven to terrorism. Every
nation, in every region, now has a
decision to make. Either you are with
us, or you are with the terrorists. From
this day forward, any nation that
continues to harbor or support terrorism
will be regarded by the United States as
a hostile regime. ”
Ari Fleischer, the Press Secretary to
President Bush at the time, later wrote
in an autobiographical account of that
address, "In a speech hailed by the
press and by Democrats, [the President]
announced what became known as the 'Bush
Doctine'".
This policy was used to justify the
invasion of Afghanistan in October 2001,
and has since been applied to American
military action against Al Qaeda camps
in North-West Pakistan.
Preemptive strikes
President Bush addressed the cadets at
the U.S. Military Academy (West Point)
on June 1, 2002, and made clear the role
Preemptive war would play in the future
of American foreign policy and national
defense:
“ We cannot defend America and our
friends by hoping for the best. We
cannot put our faith in the word of
tyrants, who solemnly sign
non-proliferation treaties, and then
systemically break them. If we wait for
threats to fully materialize, we will
have waited too long — Our security will
require transforming the military you
will lead — a military that must be
ready to strike at a moment's notice in
any dark corner of the world. And our
security will require all Americans to
be forward-looking and resolute, to be
ready for preemptive action when
necessary to defend our liberty and to
defend our lives. ”
Two distinct schools of thought arose in
the Bush Administration regarding the
question of how to handle countries such
as Iraq, Iran, and North Korea ("Axis of
Evil"[29] states). Secretary of State
Colin Powell and National Security
Advisor Condoleezza Rice, as well as
U.S. Department of State specialists,
argued for what was essentially the
continuation of existing U.S. foreign
policy. These policies, developed after
the Cold War, sought to establish a
multilateral consensus for action (which
would likely take the form of
increasingly harsh sanctions against the
problem states, summarized as the policy
of containment). The opposing view,
argued by Vice President Dick Cheney,
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and
a number of influential Department of
Defense policy makers such as Paul
Wolfowitz and Richard Perle, held that
direct and unilateral action was both
possible and justified and that America
should embrace the opportunities for
democracy and security offered by its
position as sole remaining superpower.
President Bush ultimately sided with the
Department of Defense camp, and their
recommendations.
Democratic regime change
In a series of speeches in late 2001 and
2002, President Bush expanded on his
view of American foreign policy and
global intervention, declaring that the
United States should actively support
democratic governments around the world,
especially in the Middle East, as a
strategy for combating the threat of
terrorism, and that the United States
had the right to act unilaterally in its
own security interests, without the
approval of international bodies such as
the United Nations. This represented a
departure from the Cold War policies of
deterrence and containment under the
Truman Doctrine and post-Cold War
philosophies such as the Powell Doctrine
and the Clinton Doctrine.
In his 2003 State of the Union Address,
President Bush declared:
“ Americans are a free people, who know
that freedom is the right of every
person and the future of every nation.
The liberty we prize is not America's
gift to the world, it is God's gift to
humanity. ”
After his second inauguration, in a
January 2004 speech at National Defense
University, Bush said: "The defense of
freedom requires the advance of
freedom."
Neoconservatives and the Bush Doctrine
held that the hatred for the West and
United States in particular, is not
because of actions perpetrated by the
United States, but rather because the
countries from which terrorists emerge
are in social disarray and do not
experience the freedom that is an
intrinsic part of democracy. The Bush
Doctrine holds that enemies of United
States are using terrorism as a war of
ideology against the United States. The
responsibility of the United States is
to protect itself and its friends by
promoting democracy where the terrorists
are located so as to undermine the basis
for terrorist activities.
|